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- Dr. Aaron Yelowitz
- University of Kentucky
- www.Yelowitz.com
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- “Living wages” are thought of as ordinances that affect businesses with
a direct relationship to a city.
- Since 1994, living wage ordinances have become very popular. More than 130 localities have either
“narrow” or “broad” ordinances that affect at least some workers.
- Wage floors are substantially higher than federal minimum wage of
$5.15/hour. For example, city of
Santa Barbara is currently considering a $14/hour living wage for local
companies contracting with the city.
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- Citywide “minimum wages” are far less common. These laws mandate that all firms –
regardless of whether they have a relationship with the city – provide a
higher wage floor.
- San Francisco – Passed $8.50 minimum wage in November 2003, effective
February 2004, then indexed to CPI.
- Santa Fe – As will be discussed later, passed $8.50 minimum wage that
was implemented in June 2004.
Raised to $9.50 in January 2006.
- 65% increase in wage floor.
- Washington DC -- $6.60 per hour, effective since 1993.
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- Other localities have tried, but failed in implementing citywide minimum
wages:
- New Orleans, LA -- $6.15/hour in 2002, blocked by Louisiana
legislature.
- Madison, WI -- $5.70/hour in 2004, Wisconsin legislature banned
citywide minimum wages in exchange for raising statewide minimum wage.
- Milwaukee, Lacrosse, and Eau Claire, WI – all preempted by statewide
minimum wage.
- Santa Monica, CA -- $13/hour in 2001 in costal zone, blocked by
citywide referendum.
- Albuquerque, NM -- $7.50/hour on ballot in 2005, narrowly defeated.
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- Ongoing minimum wage campaigns:
- Santa Cruz, CA – proposal for $9.25/hour.
- Others?
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- Citywide minimum wages differ in a number of important respects from
both living wages and statewide minimum wages.
- Coverage is clearly different from living wages. In addition, the public sector may be
far less competitive than private sector.
- Ability to escape the citywide minimum wage by moving out of the
jurisdiction is greater than for statewide minimum wages.
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- Timeline
- February 27, 2003: City council approves minimum wage by 7-1 margin.
- $8.50 starting in January 2004
- $9.50 starting in January 2006
- $10.50 starting in January 2008
- Indexed to CPI starting in 2009.
- All employers with 25 or more workers (simple headcount each
month). Initially, bill covered
firms with 10 or more workers, but this changed.
- Both for-profit and not-for-profit firms.
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- State Court Litigation
- March 10, 2003: Santa Fe Chamber of Commerce and coalition of business
groups – called “New Mexicans for Free Enterprise” – filed lawsuit
against Santa Fe's law in state court.
- December 11, 2003: State judge throws out most, but not all, of NMFE
lawsuit.
- December 18, 2003: State judge temporarily blocks ordinance.
- April 12-16, 2004: Wage trial in state court.
- June 24, 2004: State judge upholds ordinance, becomes effective
immediately.
- November 30, 2005: New Mexico Court of Appeals upholds decision.
- Political process
- March 14, 2003: New Mexico Senate passes bill by 21-13 margin to
prohibit local governments from establishing a minimum wage that
exceeds the federal rate.
Doesn't move further, however.
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- Predictions around the time of passage in January 2003.
- The higher minimum wage in Santa Fe's private sector would “not have
that much of an effect” on the city's historically low unemployment
rate.
- “Prices will rise,” Waldman explained. “There will be businesses that
will try to recoup profits by raising prices. That is more likely to
happen than major layoffs.”
- Larry Waldman, Senior Economist, University of New Mexico, Bureau of
Business and Economic Research
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- These predictions highlight the fact that labor market adjustments are
one of several mechanisms that firms can use to adjust to minimum wages.
- Layoffs
- Relocation
- Labor-capital substitution
- Higher consumer prices / lower quality
- Lower profits
- Change in corporate structure / outsourcing / temporary workers
- Land values – commercial & residential
- Is Waldman's prediction about prices reasonable in the Santa Fe context?
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- Labor market effects ultimately an empirical issue.
- Depends on:
- Firm sizes
- Ability to move outside of city limits
- Wage distributions
- Ability to pass along costs to consumers
- Only 10% of businesses were affected due to firm size, yet 55% of
workers were covered.
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- Figure 2 suggests that passing on the higher costs of the ordinance to
consumers is likely to be limited.
- In accommodation & food services, two-thirds of firms – the smaller
ones -- were not covered.
Three-quarters of workers were covered.
- Card and Krueger, “Myth and Measurement,”1995, p. 55, find
- “no evidence that prices rose faster among New Jersey restaurants that
were most affected by the increase in the minimum wage. One explanation … is that restaurants
in New Jersey compete in the same product market.”
- This strongly suggests that higher consumer prices are an unlikely
outcome. Thus, the labor market
adjustments may be more pronounced.
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- How did Santa Fe’s “historically low unemployment rate” fare?
- Figures 3 and 4 present time series evidence on relative unemployment
rates in Santa Fe and the rest of New Mexico.
- Figure 3 is the metropolitan statistical area, which more accurately
reflects a labor market.
- Figure 4 shows similar figures for the city.
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- The figures clearly show that Santa Fe’s historical advantage relative
to the rest of the state shrunk.
- It also appears, but not as conclusively, that the relative gap shrunk
after the minimum wage was implemented.
- My empirical results find effects for the full population – as is
illustrated here, but the results are much more pronounced for the less
educated.
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- What did the wage distribution look like?
- Examine nominal hourly wages in monthly CPS data.
- Fairly small sample sizes.
- Yet, Card and Krueger (p. 32) find dramatic shifts in the starting wage
range due to the New Jersey increase.
- Figure 5 shows the Santa Fe MSA and rest of state.
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- Unlike Card and Krueger’s findings, no obvious increase in wages in
Santa Fe.
- Using nominal wages.
- Measurement error.
- Small sample sizes.
- Not all firms & workers are affects.
- Surprising, still. Confirmed in
empirical analysis, however.
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- The implementation of the Santa Fe minimum wage creates a
straightforward quasi-experiment, using both time-series variation in
wage floors and cross-sectional variation across the state.
- Estimate models of the form:
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- In practice, the labor market outcomes include:
- Employment (to population)
- Labor force participation
- Unemployment
- Long term layoffs > 26 weeks
- Involuntary part-time employment
- Usual hours of work per week
- Wages
- Workforce composition
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- LWO is a dummy variable equal to one if the CPS respondent lived in the
Santa Fe MSA from June 2004 onward.
- By including 33 dummy variables for each month/year combination (January
2003 … October 2005), as well as 3 dummy variables for the geographic
location within New Mexico (Santa Fe, Las Cruces, Albuquerque, Rest of
State), the coefficient estimate on LWO is the
“difference-in-differences” estimator.
- Comparisons between less educated & more educated can be thought of
as “triple-difference” estimates.
- Standard errors are corrected for clustering at the county-month-year
level of aggregation.
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- Santa Fe clearly does differ in some – but not all – respects compared
to the rest of the state.
- The location dummies should largely control for these fixed,
time-invariant characteristics.
- To the extent that there are time-varying, location-specific factors
(other than the minimum wage) that affect the labor market, they could
bias the interpretation on the LWO variable.
- If these factors do not vary by education level, however, then the
triple-differences should still be valid.
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- Other covariates include:
- Marital status
- Head of household
- Sex
- Educational attainment
- Race/ethnicity
- Veteran status
- Household size
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- Monthly Current Population Survey interviews around 50,000 households.
- Analysis presented here uses data from January 2003 to October
2005. Updated findings through
December 2005 confirm results here.
- Identifies Santa Fe, Albuquerque, Las Cruces separately. Rest of New Mexico residents not
identified at the local level.
- Roughly 1800 individuals (total) in New Mexico in any given month. Total sample includes 33,139
observations on non-elderly adults, divided nearly equally by 12 or
fewer / 13 or more years of schooling.
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- Summary statistics are shown in Tables 1, 2, and 3, broken out by
educational attainment.
- Some highlights:
- 5.9% unemployment over the time period; Less educated twice as likely
to be unemployed.
- Usual hours of work 39.6 hours, with modest differences by education.
- 3% of sample classified as subject to LWO.
- Wages vastly different by educational attainment. Measured in constant July 2005
dollars, wages were $18.34 for more educated workers, and $11.78 for
less educated workers.
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- Tables estimate, successively, models for full-sample, less educated
sample, and more educated sample.
- Probit models for most labor market outcomes (except hours of work and
wages). Estimate hours using OLS,
and try a variety of approaches for wages.
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- Key policy parameter is the elasticity of employment with respect to the
wage floor.
- Card & Krueger note that many “first generation” studies found very
large, negative elasticities.
- CK find an elasticity close to zero.
- Neumark and Wascher, using payroll data on PA and NJ, find elasticities
in the range of -0.22. A 10%
increase in the wage floor reduces employment by about 2.2%.
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- Other researchers – Pollin and Wicks-Lim – have replicated my Santa Fe
findings, but claim that near-zero effects on employment-to-population
means there are no adverse labor market effects.
- Card & Krueger, Neumark & Wascher, and others use full-time
equivalent employment however, not a simple headcount. CK count part-time workers at 0.5 of a
full-time worker. NW have hours
data.
- Using this, hours fell for the less educated by 8.4%, for a 65% increase
in the wage floor.
- This would generate an elasticity of -0.13.
- As the figures showed, however, only 55% of workers were actually
covered due to the firm-size requirements. In additional, a small percentage of
workers are probably outside of the city itself, but within the MSA.
- Accounting for the fact that only workers at larger firms were covered,
the elasticity would be -0.24.
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- Even this elasticity – -0.24 – does not reflect the full picture
however.
- Labor substitution has distributional effects.
- Business movements from Santa Fe city to Santa Fe county are not
detectable in the CPS. This
would likely understate the labor market consequences.
- Average wage levels were considerably higher than $5.15 to start –
meaning the percent change in the actual wage level was less,
understating the elasticity.
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- Results taken as a whole suggest negative consequences on the Santa Fe
labor market.
- Have evaluated the full $8.50 period (June 2004-December 2005), and
find similar results.
- Most pronounced on less-educated workers.
- Appears that there is some labor substitution toward workers who
probably possess more skills or ability.
- $9.50 ordinance went into effect, though future increases must be voted
on by City Council.
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